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第101章(第1页)

whatisoreiportantisthelengthofthepresidentialterofofficeandodeofelectionthe&ldo;procedureofpresidentialelection&rdo;passedbythenstitutionalnventionlastdeceberntastheseunieprovisions:

1thepresidentshallholdofficeforateroftenyears,andiseligibleforreelection

2fiftyberftheuncilofstate,andfiftyberftheli-fa-yuen,tobeelectedaongtheselves,shallnstitutetheelectorallle

3precedverypresidentalelection,thepresentpresident,representgthewillofthepeople,shallnoatethreentobecandidatestosueedhiself

4onthedayofelectionthepresidentshallannouncetotheelectoralllethenafthethreenoees

5besidesthesethreecandidatestheelectorallleayalvoteforthepresentpresident

6ifdurgtheyearofpresidentialelectiontheberftheuncilofstatedeeitapoliticalnecessitytohavethepresentpresidentreaoffice,theyayakeproposalstothateffectbyao-thirdsvoteofthatbodytheproposalthadeshallbeprocdtothewholenationbythepresident

th,underthisunielaw,thechesepresidentayreaofficeforlife,healoneisentitledtonoatehiwnsuesrsandthatdoesnotpreventtheelectorsfroreelectghi,nori射legallyprecedfronoatghiwnnrandnwhatorecanthenoal插nfro&ldo;president&rdo;to&ldo;eperor&rdo;brgtohi?

第65章民国四年(1915)八月九日至十一月三日(2)

notonlywillthis插nbrgnorealcreaseofpowerordignitytotheoupantofthepresidential插ir,butanysuchorewillevitablyresulthisultiateruthoseofwhohavehadexperiencewiththeworkgoftheaveradrealizethatthereisagreatdealanahoweverdictatorialpresidentyuanhasbee,hehashadonsenseenoughtoavoidall&ldo;words&rdo;thataybeobjectionabletothevastyounrnerationwhohavelongdreadrepublicandreaswithoutknoxactlywhatrepublicanisans,hehasevenpubliclydeclaredhisretionnevertoaspiretotheiperialthrone,andhasbani射dseveralnwhohaveatteptedtoadvocateonarchisifryuanisreallysu插shrewdpoliticianashiswesterncriticsportrayhitobe,heoughttobeabletoseethathisassuptionoftheiperialtitlewillidiatelyexposehitotheutterdistrtofthewholeworldandeventotheostprobabledanrofassassation

theestionofatitular插n,however,ifverylittleiportancethedfthetruerepublicanfchathechesedeocracy,theyrealize,nowexistnlyna,foralostoyearstheuntryhashadnoparliant,noprovciallegislatures,nodistrictuncilstherearenopoliticalparties,nofreedoofpress,nofreedoofspeechanyayouthhasbeenexiledorexecutedorassassatedfornoothercrithanthatofholdgaradicalpoliticalphilophytobesure,thereisanstitution,butanstitutionthatexaltsthechiefexecutivebeyondthereachofthelaw,theparliant,andthepeople;anstitutionwhichakesthepresidencydefitelylong,practicallyself-elective,andalosthereditary!undersuchcircustance,whatdifferencewillitakewhetherthe&ldo;supre&rdo;rulerbecalled&ldo;president&rdo;or&ldo;eperor&rdo;?

whetherornotryuanwillbeeeperordoesnotaffecttheurseofyoungcha(bywhichidonotananyparticularpoliticalfaction),whichisstrugglghardfortheestablishntofanuedeocracychayoungchabelievesdeocracy;itbelievesthattheonlywaytohavedeocracyistohavedeocracygovernntisanart,andassuchitneedspracticeiwouldneverhavebeenabletospeakenglishhadeverspokenittheanglo-saxonpeoplewouldneverhavehaddeocracyhadtheyneverpracticeddeocracythisisakdofpoliticalphilophywhichisprehensibletonlikeprofesrcroodnowprofesrgoodnowandanyotherwell-angnstitutionalauthoritiesthkthattheorientalpeoplearenotfitforthedeocraticforofgovernntbecaetheyhavenewerhaditbeforeonthentrary,youngchabelievesthatitispreciselybecaechahasnothaddeocracythat射tnowhavedeocracyitbelievesthatifthefirstcheserepubli插dhadalonrlifedeocracywouldhavebythistiestabli射dafairlystrongholdcha,andthepoliticalexperienceoffouryears&rso;deocraticgovernnt,howeveriperfectthatexperienceighthavebeen,wouldhavebythistienabledavastnuberofthechesepeopletounderstandwhatrepublicanisreallyans

but,alas!thenservativesandthereactionarieshavefoundheartysupportersourforeigncriticswhohaveneitherfaithnorpatiencetheyhavefoundtheirspokesnsuchgreatnstitutionalauthoritiesasprofesrsariga,ofjapan,andgoodnow,ofthearicanrepublicitisnceivablethatprofesrarigashouldopposeyoungchabuhenagreatscholarfrothearicanrepubliaouiththedeclarationthattheorientalpeoplewerebyhistoryandtraditiondisalifiedtohaverepresentativeforofgovernnt,theblowwasdecisiveandfatalthesegreatscholarshavewroughttheir&ldo;authoritative&rdo;opionstothenewnstitutionofthecheserepublic,andarenowontheeveofbegderatedbythecheseeperorwhotheyhavehelpedtoake

theprocedureofpresidentialelectionisapartofthenstitution

〔中译〕中国与民主

据北京传闻,袁世凯总统经慎重考虑,将复帝制;约翰霍布铿大学校长兼中国政府制宪顾问弗兰克&iddot;约翰逊&iddot;古德诺教授已经赞同此项计划。对于此则传闻之确实与否,实在没有必要调査。之所以无此必要,原因在于,不论此传闻是真是假,均无关乎这一根本问题--即,中国民主之现状和未来。

倘若此报道确实,让我们先来看看其影响如何。采用皇帝之头衔将强化袁先生之独裁统治乎?或者,袁先生拒绝称帝将给中国带来更多的民主乎?余之回答是:否。因为按照现行宪法,可以保险地说,除恺撒和沙皇之外,中华共和国总统所拥有之权力,要比世界上其它任何一个统治者大得多。余并非虚言,而是确有把握。据说,古德诺教授对现行宪法之制定不无影响。依照此宪法,总统代表国家,有权召集和解散立法院,有权在立法院提议立法和提呈预算,有权签署法律,有权颁布相当于国家法律之法令,有权宣战缔和,有权任免文武官员,有权赦免或减刑,总统还兼任陆军和海军之总司令,总统还有权接见各国大使和大臣,有权与外国签订条约。在这张长长的政府权力单上,一个君主头衔还能在其上再添加些什么呢?

然而,更为重要的乃在于总统之任期与选举之方式。去年十二月,立宪大会通过《总统选举程序法》。该法包含如下独特之条款:

1总统每届任期十年,可以连选连任。

2由国务院、立法院各选五十名代表,共同组成选举院。

3在每一届总统选举之前,现任总统因其代表人民之意志,可提名三位总统候选人,以承其位。

4总统将于选举之日向选举院宣布他所提名之三位总统候选人。

5除此三名候选人之外,选举院还可提名现任总统为候选人。

6在总统选举年,倘若国务院有成员认为,因当前政治形势所需,有必要请现任总统留任,他们便可向选举院提出此建议。该建议只需获得选举院三分之二的票数即可通过。最终结果可由总统向全国宣告。

因此,按照这部独一无二之法律,中国总统可以终生连任,唯独只有他才有资格提名总统之继任人。然而,这并不妨碍选举委员再次选举他连任,也并不排除此种可能性:他可以合法地提名他儿子或孙子为总统候选人。那么,在名义上,将&ldo;总统&rdo;改为&ldo;皇帝&rdo;,这能给他多带来些什么呢?

不仅上述名号之变更,不会给总统所拥有之权力或尊严带来任何实质性之增长,而且,任何多此一举之做法,将不可避免地造成他最终之垮台。吾等皆具正常之智质水平,亦有些许生活经验,皆明白:一个名称包含有丰富之内涵。不管袁总统之独裁达到何等程度,他还有一般的常识,知道应当避免使用某些&ldo;字词&rdo;,因为那会遭致青年一代之反对。尽管这些青年完全不知道共和主义到底是什么,但他们梦想共和却是由来已久。袁总统曾公开声称,他决无称帝之野心,甚至还将几个企图鼓吹帝制之人削职。倘使袁先生真如西方评论家所形容的那样,他是一位精明之政治家,那么,他就该明白,只要他采取帝制,立刻就会在全世界人面前信誉扫地,言行不一,甚至极有可能遭致暗杀之危险。

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